di Slavoj Zizek , filosofo e psicanalista sloveno
Liberamente tratto da Internazionale
Il 2 Agosto 2009, dopo aver isolato una parte del quartiere arabo di Shaykh Jarrah a Gerusalemme Est, la polizia israeliana ha sfrattato due famiglie palestinesi dalle loro case. In tutto più di cinquanta persone. I coloni ebrei hanno avuto il permesso di trasferirsi nelle abitazioni sgomberate. La polizia ha agito in base a una sentenza della Corte suprema israeliana, ma le famiglie arabe vivevano nelle loro case da più di cinquant'anni.
Questo sgombero - che in via piuttosto eccezionale ha attirato the attention of the international press - is part of a process much more vast and largely ignored, but still in full swing.
Six months ago, March 1, 2009, was released a report that the Israeli government is planning to build 70 thousand new housing units in Jewish settlements in the occupied West Bank. If this plan will be implemented, some 300 thousand settlers to establish themselves in the Palestinian territories. This will not only make it impossible for the emergence of a stable Palestinian state, but would also be a problem on the daily life of its inhabitants.
After the publication of the report, a government spokesman Israel was immediately rushed to resize the content, arguing that the plan has not been finalized: the construction of new homes in settlements, said the spokesman, requires the approval of the Minister of Defence and the Prime Minister. 15 thousand new homes, however, have already been authorized. And almost 20 thousand housing units are planned in settlements far from the "green line" separating Israel from the West Bank, ie in areas that the Israeli government in the future can not continue to control.
The conclusion is obvious: while the words accepts two-state solution, in fact Israel is committed to creating the conditions to make impossible. The symbol of this policy is the wall that separates the villages of settlers from Palestinian cities. In one corner of the West Bank on the Israeli side of the barrier is painted the image of the landscape beyond the wall: only nature, meadows and trees. An empty space, virgin, ready to be colonized. What is this if not a real ethnic cleansing?
At times this process is disguised as a cultural operation .
On 28 October 2008 the Israeli Supreme Court granted permission to Simon Wiesenthal Center to build Center for Human Dignity - Museum della Tolleranza , progettato già da molti anni, in un'area contesa nel centro di Gerusalemme. Frank Gehry progetterà il vasto complesso formato da un museo, una sala espositiva per bambini, un teatro, un centro convegni, una biblioteca, sale per conferenze e ristoranti. La missione del museo, secondo le autorità, è promuovere la civiltà e il rispetto tra le componenti dell'ebraismo e tra gli individui di fedi diverse.
L'unico ostacolo al nuovo museo, superato grazie alla decisione della Corte suprema, era che l'area in cui verrà costruito ha ospitato fino al 1948 il principale cimitero musulmano di Gerusalemme. Per questo la comunità islamica si è appellata alle autorità, sostenendo che la costruzione del museo avrebbe profanato il luogo dove sono sepolti i musulmani uccisi durante le crociate del dodicesimo e tredicesimo secolo.
Questa piccola incongruenza rivela il vero obiettivo nascosto dietro la facciata del polo multiconfessionale: è un luogo che celebra la tolleranza, ma costruito ignorando le vittime di un'altra intolleranza. Come dire: per creare uno spazio di vera tolleranza ci vuole un po' di intolleranza. [...]
Lo stesso giorno in cui i mezzi d'informazione hanno svelato il rapporto sul piano edilizio israeliano, il 2 Marzo, Hillary Clinton ha condannato il lancio di missili da Gaza, dichiarando: " E' evidente che nessuna nazione, Israele included, can stand idly by while its land and its people suffer missile attacks. "Why, then, the Palestinians should stand idly by while they steal they see, day after day, the West Bank?
When the Israeli peace the present conflict with the Palestinians in terms of neutral and balanced, recognizing that in both fields there are extremists who reject the peace, we should ask ourselves a simple question: what really happens in the Middle East when there are no major events political or military, that is, military attack, terrorist attacks or negotiations? The answer is: a slow and relentless work of employment dei territori palestinesi in Cisgiordania. Il graduale strangolamento dell'economia dei palestinesi, la parcellizzazione della loro terra, la costruzione di nuovi insediamenti, le pressioni sugli agricoltori per convincerli ad abbandonare i campi: fanno parte di un processo sostenuto da una ragnatela kafkiana di leggi e regolamenti.
Nel libro Palestina borderline: storie di un'occupazione quotidiana (Isbn 2009), Saree Makdisi scrive che l'occupazione israeliana della Cisgiordania è prima di tutto burocratica, anche se a gestirla sono i militari: i suoi principali strumenti sono i certificati di proprietà, i documenti di residenza, i permessi. E' questo controllo sulla vita quotidiana ad assicurare la lenta ma costante Israel's expansion. The Palestinians need a permit for everything: to move with his family, till the soil, digging a well, going to work, school, hospital. Palestinians born in Jerusalem are denied the right to live in their land, the ability to work, to build a house, earn a paycheck. [...]
The State of Israel is engaged in a slow and invisible process, ignored by all media: one day the world will wake up and realize that there is no longer a Palestinian West Bank and that the land is Palestinian now free, that is free from the Palestinian presence. It can only resign himself to the new reality. The map of the Palestinian West Bank, moreover, already resembles an archipelago divided into a thousand fragments.
In late 2008, when the West Bank settler attacks against Palestinian farmers have become daily news, Israel has sought to curb the excesses. In some cases, the Supreme Court even ordered the evacuation of illegal settlements. But as many observers have noted, these measures are not effective. The long-term policy of Israel is completely different, and clearly violates international treaties signed by its own government.
The response of the settlers to the Israeli authorities is more or less as follows: "What right have you to condemn ? After all we do the same things you do, only more explicitly . " Be patient," replied the Israeli state, " do not rush. We are doing exactly what you do, but in a more discreet and acceptable . [...] The State of Israel condemns the violence of the settlers, but promotes new settlements in the West Bank and continues to strangle the Palestinian economy. One look at the map of East Jerusalem, where Palestinians have been rounded up and forced to live in more confined spaces, clarifies any doubt.
The condemnation of settler violence is overshadowing the real issue: that of state violence . And the condemnation of the illegal settlements aims to make people forget the expansion of legal immigration. And 'here that he discovered the duplicity of the much-vaunted impartiality of the Israeli Supreme Court: in answer to from time to time in favor of the Palestinians, and declaring their expulsion illegal, the courts ensure the legality of all other occupations . [...]
When the Israeli peace the present conflict with the Palestinians in terms of neutral and balanced, recognizing that in both fields there are extremists who reject the peace, we should ask ourselves a simple question: what really happens in the Middle East when there are no major events political or military, that is, military attack, terrorist attacks or negotiations? The answer is: a slow and relentless work of employment dei territori palestinesi in Cisgiordania. Il graduale strangolamento dell'economia dei palestinesi, la parcellizzazione della loro terra, la costruzione di nuovi insediamenti, le pressioni sugli agricoltori per convincerli ad abbandonare i campi: fanno parte di un processo sostenuto da una ragnatela kafkiana di leggi e regolamenti.
Nel libro Palestina borderline: storie di un'occupazione quotidiana (Isbn 2009), Saree Makdisi scrive che l'occupazione israeliana della Cisgiordania è prima di tutto burocratica, anche se a gestirla sono i militari: i suoi principali strumenti sono i certificati di proprietà, i documenti di residenza, i permessi. E' questo controllo sulla vita quotidiana ad assicurare la lenta ma costante Israel's expansion. The Palestinians need a permit for everything: to move with his family, till the soil, digging a well, going to work, school, hospital. Palestinians born in Jerusalem are denied the right to live in their land, the ability to work, to build a house, earn a paycheck. [...]
The State of Israel is engaged in a slow and invisible process, ignored by all media: one day the world will wake up and realize that there is no longer a Palestinian West Bank and that the land is Palestinian now free, that is free from the Palestinian presence. It can only resign himself to the new reality. The map of the Palestinian West Bank, moreover, already resembles an archipelago divided into a thousand fragments.
In late 2008, when the West Bank settler attacks against Palestinian farmers have become daily news, Israel has sought to curb the excesses. In some cases, the Supreme Court even ordered the evacuation of illegal settlements. But as many observers have noted, these measures are not effective. The long-term policy of Israel is completely different, and clearly violates international treaties signed by its own government.
The response of the settlers to the Israeli authorities is more or less as follows: "What right have you to condemn ? After all we do the same things you do, only more explicitly . " Be patient," replied the Israeli state, " do not rush. We are doing exactly what you do, but in a more discreet and acceptable . [...] The State of Israel condemns the violence of the settlers, but promotes new settlements in the West Bank and continues to strangle the Palestinian economy. One look at the map of East Jerusalem, where Palestinians have been rounded up and forced to live in more confined spaces, clarifies any doubt.
The condemnation of settler violence is overshadowing the real issue: that of state violence . And the condemnation of the illegal settlements aims to make people forget the expansion of legal immigration. And 'here that he discovered the duplicity of the much-vaunted impartiality of the Israeli Supreme Court: in answer to from time to time in favor of the Palestinians, and declaring their expulsion illegal, the courts ensure the legality of all other occupations . [...]
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